Let's discuss the ethics of political violence?

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Let's discuss the ethics of political violence?

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The Moral Calculus of Resistance: Ethics and Political Violence

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The very foundations of the modern liberal state were poured with the blood of what were once considered illegal insurrections. While we often view "political violence" as a disruption of the social order, political theorist Max Weber famously defined the state itself as a [monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monopoly_on_the_violence). This creates a profound ethical paradox: if the state’s authority rests on violence, under what conditions can individuals ethically use violence to challenge that state? ## The Right to Revolution The ethics of political violence often begins with the "right to revolution." In his *Second Treatise of Government*, [John Locke](https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/locke-political/) argued that political authority is a trust granted by the people. When a government becomes tyrannical—violating the natural rights of life, liberty, and property—the "social contract" is broken. > "Whosoever uses force without right, as every one does in society, who does it without law, puts himself into a state of war with those against whom he so uses it; and in that state all former ties are cancelled, all other rights cease, and every one has a right to defend himself, and to resist the aggressor." — John Locke, *Second Treatise of Government* From this perspective, violence is not an initiation of conflict but a response to an existing "state of war" initiated by an unjust ruler. ## Decolonization and Psychological Liberation In the 20th century, the discussion shifted from legalistic "rights" to the psychological and systemic necessity of violence. In his seminal work, *The Wretched of the Earth*, psychiatrist and revolutionary [Frantz Fanon](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frantz_Fanon) argued that for the colonized subject, violence was a "cleansing force" necessary to undo the dehumanization of imperialism. > "At the level of individuals, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect." — Frantz Fanon, *The Wretched of the Earth* Fanon’s argument challenges the traditional ethical focus on "Just War" criteria, suggesting that in certain existential struggles, violence is the only medium through which a suppressed identity can be reclaimed. ## The Pacifist Critique and Strategic Non-Violence Conversely, thinkers like Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. argued that the "means" cannot be separated from the "ends." Ethical political action, in their view, must mirror the world one seeks to create. They posited that political violence often replaces one tyranny with another, whereas non-violent resistance (or *Satyagraha*) exposes the moral bankruptcy of the oppressor without mirroring their brutality. The debate today often centers on the distinction between **political violence** (aimed at structures) and **terrorism** (aimed at non-combatants), as well as the efficacy of violent versus non-violent tactics in achieving long-term stability. *** **To deepen our exploration, consider these questions:** 1. If a state fails to protect its citizens from systemic poverty or environmental collapse, does that constitute a "slow violence" that justifies a physical response? 2. Is there a fundamental moral difference between violence against property (sabotage) and violence against persons? 3. Can a violent revolution ever truly result in a peaceful democracy, or does the method of acquisition inevitably dictate the nature of the new regime?
Then Question · @MayaDarmon

Please explore this

Regarding: "the efficacy of violent versus non-violent tactics in achieving long-term stability."

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The Strategic Calculus of Resistance: Violence vs. Non-violence

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If you want to overthrow a government, your best weapon might not be a rifle, but a strike. Research suggests that non-violent campaigns are twice as likely to succeed as violent ones and significantly more likely to produce stable, democratic outcomes. This "strategic advantage" of peace challenges the traditional realist assumption that political power grows exclusively from the barrel of a gun. ## The Logic of Mass Participation The fundamental difference between these two tactics lies in the **barrier to entry**. Violent insurgencies are physically demanding, dangerous, and morally taxing, which restricts participants to a small demographic—usually young, able-bodied men. In contrast, non-violent resistance allows for "mass participation," drawing in children, the elderly, and the working class. As Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan argue in their seminal work, [Why Civil Resistance Works](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Why_Civil_Resistance_Works), this broad participation is the engine of victory. > "The most significant advantage of nonviolent resistance is its ability to elicit much higher levels of participation... which can lead to shifts in the loyalty of security forces and other pillars of support." When a movement represents a genuine cross-section of society, it becomes harder for the regime's soldiers to justify a crackdown. If a soldier’s own grandmother is in the crowd, the likelihood of a "defection"—where the military refuses to fire—increases exponentially. ## The Fanonian Counter-Argument While the empirical data favors non-violence for stability, some thinkers argue that violence is a necessary psychological tool for decolonization. In *The Wretched of the Earth*, [Frantz Fanon](https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/fanon/) posited that violence is a "cleansing force" that restores the dignity of the oppressed. > "At the level of individuals, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect." Fanon’s perspective suggests that while violence may be "messy" and lead to short-term instability, it addresses the deep-seated psychological trauma of subjugation in a way that peaceful protest might not. However, critics note that this "cleansing" often leaves a legacy of militarism that makes the transition to a stable civilian government nearly impossible. ## Long-Term Stability and the "Democratic Dividend" The most striking finding in modern political science is not just that non-violence works faster, but that it lasts longer. Violent revolutions often replace one autocrat with another because the infrastructure required to win a war—secrecy, hierarchy, and centralized command—is the same infrastructure used to build a dictatorship. Non-violent movements, by necessity, build democratic habits: 1. **Coalition Building:** They must negotiate between diverse groups to maintain numbers. 2. **Transparency:** Large-scale protests are difficult to run in total secrecy. 3. **Institutional Integration:** They often leverage existing unions, churches, and professional guilds. This "democratic dividend" suggests that the *means* of a revolution inevitably shape the *ends* of the resulting state. If the foundation of a new nation is built on the tactical logic of the battlefield, the resulting stability is often merely the "peace" of a new suppression.
Then Question · @MayaDarmon

Can you give two examples of successful non-violent campaigns

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The Architecture of Defiance: From Rosaries to Chorales

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Could a song be more dangerous to a superpower than a nuclear missile? While the Foundation established the statistical superiority of non-violence, the actual mechanics of victory often hinge on the occupation of moral and cultural spaces that a regime simply cannot police. To understand how this works in practice, we must look at how movements leverage **social capital** and **identity persistence** to render state power obsolete. ## The People Power Revolution: The Mechanics of Institutional Defection In 1986, the Philippines provided a masterclass in what political scientist [Gene Sharp](https://www.aeinstein.org/about/gene-sharp/) termed "political defiance." The [People Power Revolution](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People_Power_Revolution) was not merely a protest; it was a systematic withdrawal of consent facilitated by a parallel institution: the Catholic Church. When Ferdinand Marcos attempted to steal the election, the movement used **Radio Veritas**, a church-run station, to bypass state-controlled media. This illustrates the "Communication Pillar"—a movement’s ability to maintain a narrative independent of the state. The climax occurred when civilians protected defecting military units by forming human chains, offering flowers and prayers to soldiers. > "The power of the ruler is not a permanent, self-sufficient thing. It is always dependent upon the cooperation, assistance, and obedience of the subjects." — Gene Sharp, [*The Politics of Nonviolent Action*](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Politics_of_Nonviolent_Action) This case study extends our understanding of "mass participation" by showing that success requires **structural displacement**. The movement didn't just stand in the street; it provided an alternative source of authority that the military eventually found more legitimate than the presidency. ## The Singing Revolution: Cultural Identity as Defensive Shield Between 1987 and 1991, the Baltic states—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—engaged in the [Singing Revolution](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Singing_Revolution) against Soviet occupation. This campaign challenges Frantz Fanon's assertion that only violence can restore the dignity of the colonized. Instead, the Baltics used **cultural persistence** as a weapon. 1. **Acoustic Space:** By gathering in hundreds of thousands to sing prohibited national hymns, Estonians occupied the "acoustic space" of the nation, making Soviet presence feel like a foreign object in a living body. 2. **The Baltic Way:** In 1989, two million people joined hands to form a 675-kilometer human chain across the three nations. This was an exercise in **synchronicity**, proving that the movement could coordinate across vast distances without a centralized military command. This demonstrates a "Psychological Dividend" that mirrors Fanon's goals but via different means. By reclaiming their identity through song and public assembly, the Baltic peoples achieved a collective "cleansing" of the colonial mindset without the corrosive legacy of guerrilla warfare. They didn't just wait for the Soviet Union to collapse; they made the cost of maintaining the occupation—both moral and logistical—prohibitively high. ## The Strategic Logic of Parallelism Both examples reveal that successful non-violence is rarely about persuasion alone; it is about **parallelism**. By building their own media, their own communication networks, and their own rituals, these movements created a "state within a state." When the final push came, the old regime didn't just fall—it was simply replaced by a pre-existing social structure that was already functioning.

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